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It is mandatory to procure user consent prior to running these cookies on your website. Cel mai vechi selfie are peste de ani 8 oct. Cele mai periculoase alimente din lume! Majoritatea sunt interzise! Actualitate Actualitate 8 oct. Administratie Administratie. The novelty, otherwise very important, in the year , was popular mobilization. It hails back to the Glasnost practices in the late '80s and early '90s, when large crowds were protesting in the street. It is the starting point of democracy in all the former Soviet republics.
What remains to get done for the Dignity and Truth Platform, born out of the protests and which officially registered in February , is for it to consolidate its profile and turn the civic activism into election figures. The text was posted on 21 December, a few days after President Timofti met western ambassadors and complained about the pressure put on him by the DPM. G emphasis] and I was asked why I don't get involved in their implementation, if such situations exist.
I promised I would get involved, and now the moment has come for me to do it. The first moves of the oligarch newly returned to politics were: to launch the Social Democratic Platform, with the 14 communist defectors, creating an offensive apparatus against President Timofti, the last standing in the way of Plakhotniuk's political ambitions. For instance, it barred Filat from continuing as a premier; it ruled that the independence declaration trumps the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova; it declared Romanian the state language, even though the Constitution still has Art.
However, the majority constituted in Parliament did not reflect the result of the elections, but the level of corruption of politicians, who can be blackmailed, bought and manipulated to form majorities that have nothing to do with the will of the voters. It was no secret that Ion Sturza did not stand a chance to be voted in by Parliament. All these details mattered not at all. The treatment to which the Sturza team was subjected at the meeting on January 4 is proof of the fact that, in Moldova, institutions and procedures are no longer respected, even in form.
After resuming consultations with political parties and taking into consideration the latest clarifications from the Constitutional Court, obviously Disappointed with the brutal treatment, Sturza turned in his mandate to the president, announced he was retiring from political life, and went back to Bucharest. Sturza had barely left Parliament that DPM chairman Lupu announced that by 11 January, the Social Democratic Platform would hold the simple 51 vote majority to have the government sworn in.
It had become personal, which made it highly unlikely that the nomination of the controversial oligarch for prime minister would be accepted. The new majority numbered 56 deputies. Some commentators pointed out that this new majority did not comply with Parliament rules, therefore it was not legitimate.
I am optimistic that it is within our power[s] to reach these objectives. You have inspired this confidence in me and I have heard the whisper of the people, but then their cries of hope too. The entire political class has to bend its ear to you, in order to achieve normalcy, achieve authentic democracy, in which the people is sovereign, and its will sacred. According to the rules, groups form in 10 days from Parliament taking office. Legally, there is a declaration of support for Plakhotniuk's candidacy, but not a declaration of forming a majority, which is a Constitutional Court requirement, and the declaration in support of the oligarch would not have the legal power to obligate President Timofti to endorse him as PM.
In order to comply with the calendar imposed by Moldovan law, President Timofti would have had to nominate the new PM before January 14, allowing him to have the 15 days prescribed by law to appoint a new government and prepare a platform. In the event that this calendar had not been complied with, the parties would have had to call for snap elections, which would have been a disaster for many. The latest public opinion barometer indicated catastrophic figures for parties in Parliament. Given the conditions, it is hard to believe that the MPs were in a hurry to give up their privileges and vote against nominating the president and in favor of snap elections.
The decisive move went to President Timofti, because the nominated candidate had infinitely more opportunities to gain, on the second attempt try, the necessary vote in Parliament. Hence, the intensified battle around the person the president was about to nominate. Many abuses about to be perpetrated by Moldovan political elites have been blocked by Western ambassadors down along the years. One against Plakhotniuk, saying that he did not meet the integrity criteria, as explicitly required by the president at the January 5 meeting51 with the parties.
It was recalled that Plakhotniuk was on a list of people monitored by the Interpol, that the oligarch had defied a British court, by moving seized assets.
Horoscop zilnic: 12 martie 12222 – Furtună astrală pentru 6 zodii
It was recalled that the British press had reported how several offshore companies registered in Scotland had been involved in the theft of one billion dollars from Moldovan banks, and that those same offshore companies had taken part in the financial raids in Moldova in , whose final beneficiary had been that same Plakhotniuk. The federalization of the country and the entire planned scenario would be a catastrophe for the citizens of our country.
Too Much Geopolitics Geopolitical arguments are omnipresent in the discourse on the former Soviet republic. Bessarabia was annexed by Stalin in the summer of , in line with the secret appendices to the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact, and on 23 August its borders were redrawn, and a large part of the territory became 51 www. Since everything, or almost everything, is geopolitics, essential details on Moldovan society, economy and politics are confined to oblivion.
No one wants to burden their memory with things they believe insignificant. Hence the tragedy of this country, whom no one wants to deal with in seriousness, and which progresses only on internal impulses. In the more sophisticated commentaries, Romania is being attributed a decisive role in events in Moldova, due to such a busy agenda in Washington and Brussels, occupied with other issues.
Romania is supposed to be using this context to promote its own interests and people, the most important of them being Plakhotniuk. What, then, is Romania's strategy supposed to be? According to them, Plakhotniuk is Romania's ideal pawn for such a strategy, of pushing the Moldovan state to the brink Plakhotniuk is supposed to be Bucharest's guarantee for a failed Moldovan state, the first step towards a Moldovan and Romanian union.
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That is also the geopolitical explanation supplied by the pro- Russian analysts when writing that Romania and the U. According to polls, these elections would allegedly favor parties considered pro-Russian.
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No one is considering the fact that they may be as pro- Russian as they are pro-European. In other words, they would be mere vehicles for various semi-criminal leaders or groups used to access state resources, as has happened so far, while the West-East orientation is simple babble to be sold to a humiliated voter base living in the poorest of European countries. Romanian patrons will keep Plakhotniuk in power, but will not give Moldova resources for development, limiting itself to humanitarian spaghetti instead. Ibidem accessed 19 Feb. And why give up these arguments, if they were the only ones that could mobilize support in various capitals and unblock loans?
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The country has been swinging for over 20 years between Russia and the West, trying to reap maximum benefits, especially personal, after bringing the country to the brink of disaster. In order to save themselves, Moldovan leaders are invoking the same geopolitical considerations, in the hope of tricking someone once again into support, this time the West. One contribution to the the geopolitical rhetoric manipulation of the West is also made by Bucharest, who has a long experience in this game, starting as far back as , during the rule of communist leader Gheorghiu- Dej.
No dignitary in Bucharest has yet explained if the Moldovan elections should get suspended sine die for fear of Russia, or how Moscow would help a pro-Russian politician, considering how much trouble Russia has with financially supporting the separatist region of Transdnestr. The Compromise that Prolongs the Agony One day before the deadline for designating the premier, Wednesday, January 13, a new round of consultations took place between the president and the representatives of the majority group, constituted to support Plakhotniuk in his bid to become prime minister.
President Timofti called on the majority to propose a new candidate, meeting the integrity criteria, by the following day, Thursday, 14 January, at noon. Commentators drew a parallel between Filip, who was not allowed to take up the premier seat by ruling of the Constitutional Court, and Plakhotniuk, who was deposed for similar reasons. The oligarch tried to overcome Timofti's resistance, attacking his arguments. This was an awkward move on the part of the head justice of the Constitutional Court in attempting to help Plakhotniuk, attacking arguments he had offered himself in , when he blocked Filat's access to the highest positions in the state for integrity reasons.
It was probably this intervention that caused Timofti to request individual confirmations for the signatures given by the deputies60, on the Declaration that created the new majority around the DPM, giving a deadline for PM, January However, at that point Filat was under arrest, and no one was interested in him. However, now commentators had transferred the arguments in the Court ruling of April from the Filat case to Plakhotniuk's. From then on, everything depended on the deputies. However, 3 hours and a half later, the president's candidate not only withdrew his candidacy, but asked Timofti to consider the candidacy of Pavel Filip, proposed by the Plakhotniuk controlled majority The president, shortly after, nominated for the position of PM Pavel Filip67, the candidate proposed by the DPM majority, and Plakhotniuk's associate Not even chairman Lupu or honorary president Dumitru Diacov were on the stage, next to Plakhotniuk, on that occasion.
But Filip came up alongside Plakhotniuk, whom he does business with. Pavel Filip's designation was a clear victory for Plakhotniuk. Pavel Filip, which I had to accept, pursuant to the decision issued on 29 December by the Constitutional Court, which, at art. The president's nomination sparked a new wave of street protests. The hatred of an impoverished, lied to, and manipulated population, which saw in Plakhotniuk the epitome of evil, is the main common link for these three leaders and hundreds of thousands of people, brought to the streets in various corners of Moldova by despair.
In fact, Plakhotniuk only brought to life art. The last hope for the protest leaders and the tens of thousands out into the cold was a visit by the U. That the US would intervene in Moldova was an illusion, the idea that it would take this country out from under the control of oligarch Plakhotniuk. The rumors were so intense that commentators, journalists and politicians came to believe them, and were now just waiting for confirmation or contradiction of the theory according to which the U. According to that same theory, Romania was forced by the U.
On Monday, January 18, Victoria Nuland was in Bucharest, where she held talks with Romanian top officials, including about the Moldovan crisis. It mattered little that the statements made by the American official were much more nuanced, what mattered was an article where the emphasis was on stability and support for the Filip government The entire Moldovan press, both the part controlled by Plakhotniuk75 and the part supporting the opposition, Romanian and Russian speaking, carried the same tune: the Americans, the State Department, support Plakhotniuk HotNews is a credible source in Romania.
There have been somewhat more sophisticated commentaries, abounding in geopolitical explanations, attempting to explain the US decision. Public opinion was thus being injected with the idea that Moscow is close to the oppressed Moldovan people, suffering as a result of the corruption and nepotism of a pro- European elite pushing the country towards Brussels.
If Russia was with the people, America supported the oppressor of the people, Plakhotniuk. Gradually, the initiative in coordinating the street protests — which continued in February and March — went to Dodon and Usatyi, who are considered anti-Western, and even pro- Russian, in the case of the Socialist leader. The rest of the parties seem to have lost ground. The premier designate, faced with the aggression of the Socialist faction in the room, failed to submit its platform, and the customary hearing failed being held as well.
In order to formally comply with the legislation, the members of government were secretly taken to President Timofti's residence to get sworn in, right before midnight Most likely, these protests, violent in certain places, drew attention from the West. That was a cold shower for PM Filip, who did not expect such a speech, in flagrant contradiction with everything Romanian institutions had, so far, issued officially in terms of Moldova.
Right in the first few lines, in-favoarea-guvernului-pavel-filip-ue-si-sua-indeamna-la-calm-si-dialog-foto-video- accessed 21 Jan. Reform of the judiciary was mentioned only at the tail of the list, in addition to an anti-corruption package and estate verification, etc.
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Hence the disappointment with the conditions set by Bucharest. A few days later, the Civic Forum of Moldova, which gathers together representatives of civil society, protesters, and opposition and outside Parliament parties, submitted a resolution84 on 4 February, with a list of demands, much more to the point, in which the emphasis fell more on the functioning of the National Bank of Moldova, in order to prevent embezzlement on the level that was perpetrated in the three banks, but mostly on the reform of the judiciary and fighting corruption Brussels stopped being contemplative and letting its relationship to Moldova run through Bucharest.
They recommended reforms for depoliticizing state institutions, combating systemic corruption, reforming public administration par.
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In article 5 the demand was made to review political party regulation legislation, in art. First of all there is the release of the loans, without which Moldova risks a financial meltdown. Rather hard to persuade the West with such meager fodder. The IMF and the EU are less lenient than the government in Bucharest, and will demand from the Filip government something more substantial than vague promises. These people will not ruin the relationships they have built in Brussels for the sake of more obscure arrangements made by who knows who or why.
The regional instability may be an advantage for the opposition, but so far the Ukrainian crisis has been put to better use by the Plakhotniuk faction, which threatens the West with the setting up in Parliament a pro-Russian majority in case of early elections. The most important political test for the majority built around the DPM comes in a few weeks, when Timofti's term expires.
However, there are two problems facing him: street protests, which could escalate, throwing Moldova into chaos; and foreign governments, aware that Plakhotniuk as a president could mean an official takeover of power by criminal elements of post-Soviet origin. After failing in becoming PM, Plakhotniuk could be forced into the underground of politics, promoting as president a close associate, such as Pavel Filip was. Any real reform in Moldova is a direct threat to the control that Plakhotniuk wields over various institutions. Since the West has a lot to deal with refugees, the UK referendum, extending sanctions against Russia, the Ukrainian crisis, the tensions between Russia and Turkey, the Syrian crisis, etc , after securing the release of loans to Moldova and getting through the issue of selecting the president, Moldova may not enjoy such much attention.
It is much more influenced by the West, and has a different dominant political culture. Early elections are still the only solutions for taking the country out of the political crisis it has been mired in. The more they are delayed, the more the chances of a victory for a pro-Russian and anti-European faction taking power will grow.
By granting loans, even on condition, the West is buying time. Early elections, which now seem improbable, could become not only probable, but even desirable by fall, on condition the present parliamentary majority and the Filip government do not achieve reform, calming tensions by dialog with the opposition and civil society.
This step contributed to the global spread of the image of Ukraine as a peace-loving state seeking for international stability. According to some analysts, the rejection of strategic nuclear weapon gave Ukraine the possibility to relatively peacefully survive the turbulent s on the post- Soviet territory and relatively painlessly withdraw from the USS1. In fact, its paragraphs enunciatively claim that, in case of military threats to Ukraine, the guarantor states are only obliged to launch consultations in order to resolve the conflict2.
Lavrov said Russia did not violate the Budapest Memorandum since it did not threaten Ukraine with nuclear strikes. This is the new Russian view on this treaty. Belarus and Kazakhstan, which in the mid-nineties also abandoned nuclear arsenal in exchange for guarantees from the USA, Russia and the UK, find themselves in a similar situation.
Butkevych, A. Argentina, Brazil and South Africa voluntarily gave up on their nuclear program research, while Romania had experimental devices for civilian research and developed nuclear centres for energy. In addition, this generates international tension since the aggressive foreign policy of Russia has raised doubts concerning the regulatory function of the international law. In fact, the Russian Federation jeopardizes the entire regime of nuclear non-proliferation formed during last thirty years.
Current Russian behaviour introduces instability into regional and global security, and thus, hinders the process of nuclear disarmament. Such activity forms the belief that interests of non-nuclear weapons states are significantly less protected than of the states-members of the nuclear club. Therefore, politicians and scientists continue a lively discussion concerning Ukraine joining one of the existing collective security systems, and NATO inter alia.
Theoretical Framework Since the independence of Ukraine was proclaimed in the early twentieth century, Ukrainian political elite appealed to various options in order to support national interests and security. Multi-vector activity, the rejection of non-aligned status, joining a framework of collective security, the need to seek help from allies, etc. Thus, proposals concerning the creation of new security systems appear. Such systems would encompass states which are under significant threat of an attack at a new stage of establishing the international order.
The priority of their research lies in determining the extent of Ukraine-NATO cooperation deepening, specification of strategic directions, and defining political importance of membership in the alliance. In addition, analytical developments and projects of authorship gain currency suggesting new collective security systems in which Ukraine would play the primary role or one of the major ones, and variants of cooperation within the Collective Security Treaty at least with individual NATO member-states.
The achievements of such researchers as Valeeva8, Kramar9, Lucas10, Korbut11, focused on hypothetical strategies used by members of such associations, the role of global leaders in these strategies, etc. In this context, updating of normative legal documents of strategic nature should not be overlooked. Summarizing, the lack of conceptual theoretical studies, which could add to the journalistic essays and other works of those who care about the future Ukraine, has to be noted.
Advantages and Disadvantages of Membership in Collective Security Systems International security is a multi-dimensional concept which encompasses national security of individual countries and peoples, regional sub-regional security of certain groups of states and parts of the planet, and thus, integrates to the level of global international security. The latter is considered when protection and realization of human values and interests, overcoming threats on the global scale with impact on the security of other states, are referred to. This refers to collective security systems within which overall security of states is guaranteed on the regional or interregional scales through their joint efforts in preventing threats to peace and acts of aggression.
Researchers have determined the following main features of collective security systems: 1 member-states take on at least three commitments which define the internal functioning of the system, namely: a not to resort to force in mutual relations; b to resolve all disagreements peacefully; c to cooperate for the elimination of any threat to peace; 2 there is a structural unity of states, embodied in an international organization, coordination and advisory bodies, systematic meetings, sessions and other activities of the members within this organization and beyond it.theranchhands.com/images/essay/legacy-undone.php
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The British publicist E. One of the most influential interregional organizations and collective security systems is NATO. Currently, this organization directly borders Ukraine and thus, in the context of the Russian military conflict with Ukraine, reacts to it and to the situation in the Euro-Atlantic and global security space in general. Under such circumstances, member-states have to modernize their defence planning, logistics, infrastructure and approaches to a combination of hard and soft power as means of hybrid war.